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and why should he need the witness of seven cabinet members to show that he had thought that way in august? the public welfare demands that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities with a view to an ultimate convention of the states, or other peaceable means to the end that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on the basis of the federal union of the states. for that matter, why did he even need to say that much, since no one would have been in the least surprised if lincoln had kept the machinery of war in full force until his last hour in the white house? george mcclallan, oc this would certainly have been something of a constitutional anomaly, or at least a departure from anything that looked like conventional practice in presidential transitions. paul angle caldwell, id: caxton printers, , mark e. john y. stephen w. luce iii professor of the civil war era at gettysburg college and the william l. what exactly was offered is unknown: perhaps appointment as a glorified chief-of-staff under grant as general-in-chief, perhaps even displacing george meade at the head of the army of the potomac. you raise as many troops as you possibly can for this final trial, and i will devote all my energies to assisting and finishing the war. harris, two against lincoln: reverdy johnson and horatio seymour, champions of the loyal opposition lawrence: university press of kansas, , richard peters boston: little, brown, , key, confidential aide to general george b. lincoln offered mcclellan a partnership, but not the sacrifice of principle lincoln had been asked to make in allen guelzo is the henry r. michael burlingame baltimore: johns hopkins university press, , lothrop, , albert mordell new york: twayne, , ; david e. the co-ordinated campaigns grant had entrusted to william t. why should lincoln not simply have said that as president of the united states he remained president until march 4, , and would prosecute the war with renewed zeal, entirely on his own, without involving mcclellan from whom he expected no co-operation anyway? senate seat vacated by the death of stephen a. glenn w. roy p. mcclellan as its candidate — would have been elected on a peace platform that would, once he actually became president, make it impossible or at least unlikely that the war would be won, much less continued. in handing it to me he remarked that he would not then inform me of the contents of the paper enclosed, had no explanation to make, but that he had a purpose, and at some future day i should be informed of it, and be present when the seal was broken. i am of another temperament. the principal voices belonged to the copperheads — the peace democrats, clement vallandigham, alexander long and benjamin gwinn harris — while samuel s. national union party ticket, [i] whitney, life on the circuit with lincoln, ed. lafantasie lexington: university press of kentucky, , randall miller new york: fordham university press, , prime august 10, , in civil war papers of george b. mcclellan kearny, nj: belle grove press, , filed in.{/INSERTKEYS}{/PARAGRAPH} charles m. this is it. stanton war , william pitt fessenden treasury, having just replaced salmon chase the month before , gideon welles navy , edward bates attorney-general, although only until the end of the year , montgomery blair postmaster-general , and john palmer usher interior. one or two members of the cabinet had already done so. in the end, as he admitted on november 11th, lincoln regarded the likelihood of mcclellan grasping a co-operative hand to finish-up the war as remote, although this was not because mcclellan as seward complained was an inveterate ditherer. mcclellan, in other words, was needed as a magnet for recruitment and, especially in the summer of , re-enlistment of the three-year volunteers whose terms of service were ending; and indeed, if lincoln had gone down to defeat at the polls on november 8th, the task of both recruitment and conscription would probably have been rendered difficult, if not impossible, and with it any hope of a successful conclusion to the war. begin with the audience for which he intended this little piece of political drama: his cabinet, which on august 23rd was composed of william henry seward state , edwin m. lincoln, in the same situation in , had been begged by frantic democrats and unionist whigs to issue some statement qualifying the republican platform in order to head off secession, even to the point of abandoning his opposition to popular sovereignty in the territories. basler new brunswick, nj: rutgers university press, , wilson chicago: university of illinois press, , mills, diary entry for august 19, , in conversations with lincoln, ed. it has been almost routine, reflecting on the conflict between lincoln and mcclellan in , to imagine that these two were forever irreconcilable, and that they represented two polar ends of the political spectrum. but immediately behind them crowd a series of questions which render the memorandum even more curious. mcclellan, mcclellan, ; ethan s. if witnesses were all he wanted, nicolay and hay would surely have done as well as anyone. co-opting mcclellan would not depart very far from that strategy. it has been suggested that lincoln feared the document might be leaked; but in that case, why should he have written it at all? the chicago convention turned into a bacchanalia of anti-war fervor. even in , when orville hickman browning an old lincoln friend who had been appointed to fill the u. this included old lincoln allies john todd stuart and orville hickman browning; see john hay to john g. the people promised themselves when general grant started out that he would take richmond in june. {PARAGRAPH}{INSERTKEYS}as to save the union between the election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he can not possibly save it afterwards. now, mr hay, see if you can get this open without tearing it! now let us together, you with your influence and i with all the executive power of the government, try to save the country. garwood visiting professor for the james madison program in american ideals and institutions at princeton university he is a winner of the bradley prize. mcclellan was also, in the end, a war democrat. i never will! ettlinger carbondale: southern illinois university press, , ; burlingame, abraham lincoln: a life baltimore: johns hopkins university press, , ; waugh, re-electing lincoln, mcclellan: selected correspondence, , ed. he then read as follows…. the peace democrats were noisy, but not as numerous as their noise suggested. カーテン シェード 川島織物セルコン DRAPERY FT~ ソフトウェーブ縫製 約1. nor does any of this explain why in the second place he wanted the cabinet to endorse it, as though they were witnessing his last will and testament. peter cozzens chicago: university of illinois press, , michael burlingame carbondale, il: southern illinois university press, , 5. grant, ed. segal new york: g.